"Talkin outta turn....That's a paddlin'. Starin' at my sandals....That's a paddlin'. Paddlin' the school canoe....You better believe that's a paddlin'!" --Jasper
Good luck man....I have a couple of friends going my dang self!
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"Talkin outta turn....That's a paddlin'. Starin' at my sandals....That's a paddlin'. Paddlin' the school canoe....You better believe that's a paddlin'!" --Jasper
Also, finished my African Politics paper last night. Here's the unproofread version. I already turned in a proofread version, but this is the copy I emailed myself last night so I could print it out today. I figured some of you might be interested in reading, especially NS, since I took his idea and wrote on Portugal's relationship with Angola.
For much of civilized society’s history when there is discussion of states and their political and economic influences (at the domestic, regional, and international level), African states have been generally marginalized when compared to the majority of the rest of the world’s states. In the year 2012, when referencing certain African states one can argue that any sort of marginalization is unwarranted, as these states are very much political and economic factors even at the international level. One state which is proving to be quite an integral factor is Angola. Angola is a Southern African country on Africa’s West coast bordering Namibia, Zambia, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (D.R.C.). A former Portuguese colony, Angola is rich in mineral and petroleum resources and has grown at an average rate of slightly over eleven percent since the year 2001 (economist). This growth has coincided with the European sovereign debt crisis, and by extension economic recession in former colonial master Portugal. As a result of this confluence of growth and recession in two countries with a history of relations (whether considered negative or positive), Angola has found itself being called upon as a state to offer support to the Portuguese economy. This reliance of a former colonial power on a former colonies economy post independence offers support to the idea that Angola, and by extension Africa, has begun to emerge as more than an easily marginable factor in the grand scheme of world politics and economics. This emergence was not the result of past inevitability so much as the result of a timeline of events and their effects on both Angola and Portugal, beginning with the epoch of Angola as a Portuguese colony.
Portugal first entered Africa in the late fifteenth century, searching for both gold and a sea route towards the orient (Grove, 92). Thus, they systematically probed the west coast of Africa for both of these desires, and eventually additionally began to probe these same spots for potential slave labor. While the Portuguese had established relations with native Angolans before their desire for slave labor, it was the slave trade which firmly rooted Portugal in Angola and also gave native Angolans (some of whom traded captives as slaves for European goods) a strong link to Portugal as a partner (92). Between the fifteenth and nineteenth centuries, Portugal consolidated power in Angola and eventually declared Angola a colony of Portugal, with this claim being legitimized by the 1885 Berlin Conference. Comparitive to other colonial regimes, the rule of the Portuguese was almost benevolent. Indeed, the native Angolans who prospered from the slave trade (and thus passes prosperity to their future generations) where amicable to European custom and open to the idea of assimilation (Abshire, 116-117). This is noteworthy as it helps explain the establishment of what would become a long term relationship between the two (now) states. Further strengthening this relationship was the political concessions provided to Portuguese colonies which when compared to the rule of other colonies appear almost generous. This is not to say Portuguese rule was a desired boon to Angolan society, as Portugal ruled its territories as despotically as any other colonial power. However, some Angolans where provided representation as an entity within the Portuguese parliament (Freund 140). Additionally, freedom of press was also allowed to Portuguese colonies (140). This in actuality fits in with Portugal’s idea as to the role of Angola as one of their colonies, and it has been noted that within Portugal there “was a desire to produce a small native elite owing allegiance to Portugal as the source of civilization” and that “Mozambique and Angola were looked upon as provinces of Portugal, closely linked to the mother country, and any growth of national feeling was deliberately prevented…” (Grove 114). This once again points to the current links between Angola and Portugal, however one must recognize that despite this link Angola is now its own sovereign state.
Portuguese Angola became the first southern African colony to have open insurgency against the colonial controlling power. Sparked by workers outrage over cotton collection, the insurgency quickly blossomed into a colony wide independence movement featuring two distinct political/independence parties: The FLNA (National Liberation Front of Angola), and MLPA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) (Freund 274-275). These parties helped spear head what eventually became armed struggle with Portuguese soldiers (275). The liberation struggles stalled due to the armed conflicts in addition to fracturing within the movements themselves. It wasn’t until April 25, 1974 that a military coup in colonial power Portugal set the stage for Angolan independence (MacQueen 158-161). Prior to the coup, the Portuguese economy was beginning to decline due to inflation, budgets, and labor migration (Freund 282). The new government recognized Angola’s inevitable independence, and realized that a continuation of the struggle for control of Angola could only result in further strain of Portugal. As such, Portugal gradually began to lessen its hold on Angola and eventually granted Angola sovereignty with the Alvor Agreement in January of 1975, which integrated both the FLNA, the MLPA, and a third faction (UNITA) (MacQueen 175). However, civil war between the factions eventually broke out, with the MLPA and FLNA both declaring their own independent Angola, with the MLPA establishing a capital in Luanda, and separate capitals being set up by the FLNA and UNITA in both Huambo and Ambriz (Hodges 56). Eventually, conflict escalated and international powers began to lend support. After several months of struggle, in January 1976 the MLPA (with backing from the U.S.S.R and Cuba) managed to secure victory and officially established the People’s Republic of Angola. This victory established the MLPA as the party in charge of Angola, and this has remained true in current day Angola. As such, they are influential in the Angolan economy that the Portuguese are now reliant on.
As has been mentioned, Angola is rich in mineral and oil resources, and these are the main driving factors of the Angola economy. Specifically in regards to minerals, Angola has diamond reserves, the mining of which up until independence was heavily influenced by the Portuguese government (Abshire 296). In present day, Angola, these Diamond reserves are only the second most important resource. With the necessity of oil to the continuation to the economic machines of the United States and China (the world’s two largest economies), Angola with its rich oil deposits finds itself of vital significance. Oil is estimated to make up for approximately sixty percent of the Angolan economy post war (Hodges 59). As Angola has achieved more riches via its oil reserves, the MLPA and its leaders have prospered (which unfortunately does not reflect the living conditions of the entire country). President and MLPA party leader Jose Eduardo Dos Santos has reaped in the financial rewards, and his daughter Isabel is Africa’s richest woman (ventures). The Dos Santos family and other members of the elite and upper classes have not been stockpiling the entirety of their wealth however, as their wealth and economic prosperity is often used to help counteract the economic crisis of Angola’s former colonial master (eufreka).
While Angola has been prospering, the opposite can be said of Portugal. Contrasted with Angola’s GDP growth rate of over eleven percent, Portugal is actually expected to report an economic contraction of near three percent (BBC 27). This is due to what is referred to as the European soverign-debt crisis, which is the name for a collection of country by country soverign debt crises faced by European countries. A sovereign-debt crisis refers to the complete inability from a national government to pay back the debts of the state, and Portugal has been unable to avoid this crisis. After years of overspending and public debt creation, Portugal found itself on the verge of bankruptcy and actually had to seek a bailout from the International Monetary Fund. Portugal has sense still found itself struggling to succeed, as evidenced by an economic retraction rate as opposed to a growth rate. This has left the former colonial master asking for and welcoming with open arms the investment and money of its former colony.
It may seem strange for a former colony to be so open to working with its former master, but this is precisely what Angola and the ruling MLPA are prepared to do. This is likely based off of the aforementioned ties to the elite class that the Portuguese government worked to establish throughout their time as rulers. However, it may be based simply off of need (Seabra 13). Regardless, Angola is currently entering happily into the Portuguese economy, and Portugal is in need of such economic stimulus. Angola is already presently Portugal’s fourth largest trade partner, and their largest trade partner outside of the European Union (eufreka). Additionally, Portuguese goods make up nearly twenty percent of Angolan impots (eufreka). Isabel Dos Santos recently purchased a 9.4 percent stake in Portuguese bank Banco BPI, which also allowed her to achieve a 14.9 percent stake in Zon Multimedia (portugaldailyview). This makes her the largest share holder in Zon Multimedia, which is Portugal’s top internet and paid-for television provider (ventures-africa). Between 2002 and 2009, Angolan Investment increased from slightly over two million to nearly one hundred sixty million (bbc 66). As Portuguese businesses are privatized in order to meet the demands of the IMF bailout, Angolan President Dos Santos has suggested Angola (tacitly the Dos Santos family themselves) may be interested in investing in these newly privatized countries (bbc 27). While the extent of the future investment of Angola may remain undefined, it is certain that they are involved in the Portuguese economy more than just slightly, and are an integral factor in the future economic metamorphisis of Portugal.
In conclusion, the former colonial power of Portugal has arrived at a time when it is dependent on one of its former colonies. The now sovereign Angola, with its mineral resources and oil generated wealth, possibly holds the keys to the future success of the Portuguese economy. Linked to Portugal since the fifteenth century, these links have continued today, whether due to necessity of due to the influence of the Portuguese themselves. The ruling and wealthy elite of Angola have decided to answer Portugal in its time of need. As Portugal deals with the economic decline of the European sovereign debt crisis, Angola is investing in Portugal more than ever. With economic growth rates projected to continue in Angola, their investment should remain vital to the positive stimulation of the Portuguese economy. Thus a shift in the political arena has occurred, and for perhaps the first time economically, a colony is looking down upon its former ruler and smiling.
And yes, I end all my papers with "in conclusion". Cliche for the A.
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Also, finished my African Politics paper last night. Here's the unproofread version. I already turned in a proofread version, but this is the copy I emailed myself last night so I could print it out today. I figured some of you might be interested in reading, especially NS, since I took his idea and wrote on Portugal's relationship with Angola.
For much of civilized society’s history when there is discussion of states and their political and economic influences (at the domestic, regional, and international level), African states have been generally marginalized when compared to the majority of the rest of the world’s states. In the year 2012, when referencing certain African states one can argue that any sort of marginalization is unwarranted, as these states are very much political and economic factors even at the international level. One state which is proving to be quite an integral factor is Angola. Angola is a Southern African country on Africa’s West coast bordering Namibia, Zambia, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (D.R.C.). A former Portuguese colony, Angola is rich in mineral and petroleum resources and has grown at an average rate of slightly over eleven percent since the year 2001 (economist). This growth has coincided with the European sovereign debt crisis, and by extension economic recession in former colonial master Portugal. As a result of this confluence of growth and recession in two countries with a history of relations (whether considered negative or positive), Angola has found itself being called upon as a state to offer support to the Portuguese economy. This reliance of a former colonial power on a former colonies economy post independence offers support to the idea that Angola, and by extension Africa, has begun to emerge as more than an easily marginable factor in the grand scheme of world politics and economics. This emergence was not the result of past inevitability so much as the result of a timeline of events and their effects on both Angola and Portugal, beginning with the epoch of Angola as a Portuguese colony.
Portugal first entered Africa in the late fifteenth century, searching for both gold and a sea route towards the orient (Grove, 92). Thus, they systematically probed the west coast of Africa for both of these desires, and eventually additionally began to probe these same spots for potential slave labor. While the Portuguese had established relations with native Angolans before their desire for slave labor, it was the slave trade which firmly rooted Portugal in Angola and also gave native Angolans (some of whom traded captives as slaves for European goods) a strong link to Portugal as a partner (92). Between the fifteenth and nineteenth centuries, Portugal consolidated power in Angola and eventually declared Angola a colony of Portugal, with this claim being legitimized by the 1885 Berlin Conference. Comparitive to other colonial regimes, the rule of the Portuguese was almost benevolent. Indeed, the native Angolans who prospered from the slave trade (and thus passes prosperity to their future generations) where amicable to European custom and open to the idea of assimilation (Abshire, 116-117). This is noteworthy as it helps explain the establishment of what would become a long term relationship between the two (now) states. Further strengthening this relationship was the political concessions provided to Portuguese colonies which when compared to the rule of other colonies appear almost generous. This is not to say Portuguese rule was a desired boon to Angolan society, as Portugal ruled its territories as despotically as any other colonial power. However, some Angolans where provided representation as an entity within the Portuguese parliament (Freund 140). Additionally, freedom of press was also allowed to Portuguese colonies (140). This in actuality fits in with Portugal’s idea as to the role of Angola as one of their colonies, and it has been noted that within Portugal there “was a desire to produce a small native elite owing allegiance to Portugal as the source of civilization” and that “Mozambique and Angola were looked upon as provinces of Portugal, closely linked to the mother country, and any growth of national feeling was deliberately prevented…” (Grove 114). This once again points to the current links between Angola and Portugal, however one must recognize that despite this link Angola is now its own sovereign state.
Portuguese Angola became the first southern African colony to have open insurgency against the colonial controlling power. Sparked by workers outrage over cotton collection, the insurgency quickly blossomed into a colony wide independence movement featuring two distinct political/independence parties: The FLNA (National Liberation Front of Angola), and MLPA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) (Freund 274-275). These parties helped spear head what eventually became armed struggle with Portuguese soldiers (275). The liberation struggles stalled due to the armed conflicts in addition to fracturing within the movements themselves. It wasn’t until April 25, 1974 that a military coup in colonial power Portugal set the stage for Angolan independence (MacQueen 158-161). Prior to the coup, the Portuguese economy was beginning to decline due to inflation, budgets, and labor migration (Freund 282). The new government recognized Angola’s inevitable independence, and realized that a continuation of the struggle for control of Angola could only result in further strain of Portugal. As such, Portugal gradually began to lessen its hold on Angola and eventually granted Angola sovereignty with the Alvor Agreement in January of 1975, which integrated both the FLNA, the MLPA, and a third faction (UNITA) (MacQueen 175). However, civil war between the factions eventually broke out, with the MLPA and FLNA both declaring their own independent Angola, with the MLPA establishing a capital in Luanda, and separate capitals being set up by the FLNA and UNITA in both Huambo and Ambriz (Hodges 56). Eventually, conflict escalated and international powers began to lend support. After several months of struggle, in January 1976 the MLPA (with backing from the U.S.S.R and Cuba) managed to secure victory and officially established the People’s Republic of Angola. This victory established the MLPA as the party in charge of Angola, and this has remained true in current day Angola. As such, they are influential in the Angolan economy that the Portuguese are now reliant on.
As has been mentioned, Angola is rich in mineral and oil resources, and these are the main driving factors of the Angola economy. Specifically in regards to minerals, Angola has diamond reserves, the mining of which up until independence was heavily influenced by the Portuguese government (Abshire 296). In present day, Angola, these Diamond reserves are only the second most important resource. With the necessity of oil to the continuation to the economic machines of the United States and China (the world’s two largest economies), Angola with its rich oil deposits finds itself of vital significance. Oil is estimated to make up for approximately sixty percent of the Angolan economy post war (Hodges 59). As Angola has achieved more riches via its oil reserves, the MLPA and its leaders have prospered (which unfortunately does not reflect the living conditions of the entire country). President and MLPA party leader Jose Eduardo Dos Santos has reaped in the financial rewards, and his daughter Isabel is Africa’s richest woman (ventures). The Dos Santos family and other members of the elite and upper classes have not been stockpiling the entirety of their wealth however, as their wealth and economic prosperity is often used to help counteract the economic crisis of Angola’s former colonial master (eufreka).
While Angola has been prospering, the opposite can be said of Portugal. Contrasted with Angola’s GDP growth rate of over eleven percent, Portugal is actually expected to report an economic contraction of near three percent (BBC 27). This is due to what is referred to as the European soverign-debt crisis, which is the name for a collection of country by country soverign debt crises faced by European countries. A sovereign-debt crisis refers to the complete inability from a national government to pay back the debts of the state, and Portugal has been unable to avoid this crisis. After years of overspending and public debt creation, Portugal found itself on the verge of bankruptcy and actually had to seek a bailout from the International Monetary Fund. Portugal has sense still found itself struggling to succeed, as evidenced by an economic retraction rate as opposed to a growth rate. This has left the former colonial master asking for and welcoming with open arms the investment and money of its former colony.
It may seem strange for a former colony to be so open to working with its former master, but this is precisely what Angola and the ruling MLPA are prepared to do. This is likely based off of the aforementioned ties to the elite class that the Portuguese government worked to establish throughout their time as rulers. However, it may be based simply off of need (Seabra 13). Regardless, Angola is currently entering happily into the Portuguese economy, and Portugal is in need of such economic stimulus. Angola is already presently Portugal’s fourth largest trade partner, and their largest trade partner outside of the European Union (eufreka). Additionally, Portuguese goods make up nearly twenty percent of Angolan impots (eufreka). Isabel Dos Santos recently purchased a 9.4 percent stake in Portuguese bank Banco BPI, which also allowed her to achieve a 14.9 percent stake in Zon Multimedia (portugaldailyview). This makes her the largest share holder in Zon Multimedia, which is Portugal’s top internet and paid-for television provider (ventures-africa). Between 2002 and 2009, Angolan Investment increased from slightly over two million to nearly one hundred sixty million (bbc 66). As Portuguese businesses are privatized in order to meet the demands of the IMF bailout, Angolan President Dos Santos has suggested Angola (tacitly the Dos Santos family themselves) may be interested in investing in these newly privatized countries (bbc 27). While the extent of the future investment of Angola may remain undefined, it is certain that they are involved in the Portuguese economy more than just slightly, and are an integral factor in the future economic metamorphisis of Portugal.
In conclusion, the former colonial power of Portugal has arrived at a time when it is dependent on one of its former colonies. The now sovereign Angola, with its mineral resources and oil generated wealth, possibly holds the keys to the future success of the Portuguese economy. Linked to Portugal since the fifteenth century, these links have continued today, whether due to necessity of due to the influence of the Portuguese themselves. The ruling and wealthy elite of Angola have decided to answer Portugal in its time of need. As Portugal deals with the economic decline of the European sovereign debt crisis, Angola is investing in Portugal more than ever. With economic growth rates projected to continue in Angola, their investment should remain vital to the positive stimulation of the Portuguese economy. Thus a shift in the political arena has occurred, and for perhaps the first time economically, a colony is looking down upon its former ruler and smiling.
And yes, I end all my papers with "in conclusion". Cliche for the A.
Guatemala's playing the US in a World Cup Qualifier match tonight, here at Mateo Flores stadium. I have my jersey ready and changed my avatar accordingly.
Tied, 1-1. With the US being the strongest team in the group, that score is quite positive, but if you watched the match you know that our team let the win slip through their hands (feet?). We lost the first match against Jamaica, so we need to beat Antigua & Barbuda in the following match (at home), since the US will have the pressure of coming out of a tie to beat Jamaica, who also tied with A&B. Otherwise, our dreams of qualifying for Brazil 2014 will begin to vanish sooner than expected.
Speaking of football, congrats on beating the Danish, ( N_S ). Good luck against the Netherlands on Sunday.
Got savaged pretty hard at the Invitational. Standard is ever awful. While on super tilt I decided to join a draft open despite having never drafted Avacyn Restored. Ended up splitting the finals with Dave Shiels. Those draft opens sure are soft.
I really don't enjoy most movies that fall into the genre of "horror". Saw in particular is something that I don't feel I need to watch because it doesn't explore anything that I feel needs exploring. I already know that I don't want to end up on the wrong side of a lunatic. I like movies like Silence of the Lambs because the acting/writing are superb, but Saw strikes me as straight gorror.
The Cabin in the Woods, on the other hand, was simply spectacular. I enjoyed absolutely everything about it.
I really don't enjoy most movies that fall into the genre of "horror". Saw in particular is something that I don't feel I need to watch because it doesn't explore anything that I feel needs exploring. I already know that I don't want to end up on the wrong side of a lunatic. I like movies like Silence of the Lambs because the acting/writing are superb, but Saw strikes me as straight gorror.
The Cabin in the Woods, on the other hand, was simply spectacular. I enjoyed absolutely everything about it.
Yea, the newer sequels are getting to be like that. They lost what made the first one so cool.
I don't think any movie can scare me since gore is nothing.
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Randall 0705 - 2219 - 6000 and my pokemon safari is water, Azumarill Bibarel and Floatzel
Quote from "Megiddo" »
i like banning people because it makes people I don't like go away
So I guess it all starts here then? Welcome to our new home.
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"Talkin outta turn....That's a paddlin'. Starin' at my sandals....That's a paddlin'. Paddlin' the school canoe....You better believe that's a paddlin'!" --Jasper
I'm going to have a table on Saturday at the NJ PTQ, so that's going to be exciting. My whole crew will be lounging and celebrating every day with no more public housing.
I'm going to have a table on Saturday at the NJ PTQ, so that's going to be exciting. My whole crew will be lounging and celebrating every day with no more public housing.
I helped my buddies table at regionals when alara reborn was released.
That church was nasty hot.
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Randall 0705 - 2219 - 6000 and my pokemon safari is water, Azumarill Bibarel and Floatzel
Quote from "Megiddo" »
i like banning people because it makes people I don't like go away
Thanks, bro. I hope your friends do well.
Also, finished my African Politics paper last night. Here's the unproofread version. I already turned in a proofread version, but this is the copy I emailed myself last night so I could print it out today. I figured some of you might be interested in reading, especially NS, since I took his idea and wrote on Portugal's relationship with Angola.
Portugal first entered Africa in the late fifteenth century, searching for both gold and a sea route towards the orient (Grove, 92). Thus, they systematically probed the west coast of Africa for both of these desires, and eventually additionally began to probe these same spots for potential slave labor. While the Portuguese had established relations with native Angolans before their desire for slave labor, it was the slave trade which firmly rooted Portugal in Angola and also gave native Angolans (some of whom traded captives as slaves for European goods) a strong link to Portugal as a partner (92). Between the fifteenth and nineteenth centuries, Portugal consolidated power in Angola and eventually declared Angola a colony of Portugal, with this claim being legitimized by the 1885 Berlin Conference. Comparitive to other colonial regimes, the rule of the Portuguese was almost benevolent. Indeed, the native Angolans who prospered from the slave trade (and thus passes prosperity to their future generations) where amicable to European custom and open to the idea of assimilation (Abshire, 116-117). This is noteworthy as it helps explain the establishment of what would become a long term relationship between the two (now) states. Further strengthening this relationship was the political concessions provided to Portuguese colonies which when compared to the rule of other colonies appear almost generous. This is not to say Portuguese rule was a desired boon to Angolan society, as Portugal ruled its territories as despotically as any other colonial power. However, some Angolans where provided representation as an entity within the Portuguese parliament (Freund 140). Additionally, freedom of press was also allowed to Portuguese colonies (140). This in actuality fits in with Portugal’s idea as to the role of Angola as one of their colonies, and it has been noted that within Portugal there “was a desire to produce a small native elite owing allegiance to Portugal as the source of civilization” and that “Mozambique and Angola were looked upon as provinces of Portugal, closely linked to the mother country, and any growth of national feeling was deliberately prevented…” (Grove 114). This once again points to the current links between Angola and Portugal, however one must recognize that despite this link Angola is now its own sovereign state.
Portuguese Angola became the first southern African colony to have open insurgency against the colonial controlling power. Sparked by workers outrage over cotton collection, the insurgency quickly blossomed into a colony wide independence movement featuring two distinct political/independence parties: The FLNA (National Liberation Front of Angola), and MLPA (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) (Freund 274-275). These parties helped spear head what eventually became armed struggle with Portuguese soldiers (275). The liberation struggles stalled due to the armed conflicts in addition to fracturing within the movements themselves. It wasn’t until April 25, 1974 that a military coup in colonial power Portugal set the stage for Angolan independence (MacQueen 158-161). Prior to the coup, the Portuguese economy was beginning to decline due to inflation, budgets, and labor migration (Freund 282). The new government recognized Angola’s inevitable independence, and realized that a continuation of the struggle for control of Angola could only result in further strain of Portugal. As such, Portugal gradually began to lessen its hold on Angola and eventually granted Angola sovereignty with the Alvor Agreement in January of 1975, which integrated both the FLNA, the MLPA, and a third faction (UNITA) (MacQueen 175). However, civil war between the factions eventually broke out, with the MLPA and FLNA both declaring their own independent Angola, with the MLPA establishing a capital in Luanda, and separate capitals being set up by the FLNA and UNITA in both Huambo and Ambriz (Hodges 56). Eventually, conflict escalated and international powers began to lend support. After several months of struggle, in January 1976 the MLPA (with backing from the U.S.S.R and Cuba) managed to secure victory and officially established the People’s Republic of Angola. This victory established the MLPA as the party in charge of Angola, and this has remained true in current day Angola. As such, they are influential in the Angolan economy that the Portuguese are now reliant on.
As has been mentioned, Angola is rich in mineral and oil resources, and these are the main driving factors of the Angola economy. Specifically in regards to minerals, Angola has diamond reserves, the mining of which up until independence was heavily influenced by the Portuguese government (Abshire 296). In present day, Angola, these Diamond reserves are only the second most important resource. With the necessity of oil to the continuation to the economic machines of the United States and China (the world’s two largest economies), Angola with its rich oil deposits finds itself of vital significance. Oil is estimated to make up for approximately sixty percent of the Angolan economy post war (Hodges 59). As Angola has achieved more riches via its oil reserves, the MLPA and its leaders have prospered (which unfortunately does not reflect the living conditions of the entire country). President and MLPA party leader Jose Eduardo Dos Santos has reaped in the financial rewards, and his daughter Isabel is Africa’s richest woman (ventures). The Dos Santos family and other members of the elite and upper classes have not been stockpiling the entirety of their wealth however, as their wealth and economic prosperity is often used to help counteract the economic crisis of Angola’s former colonial master (eufreka).
While Angola has been prospering, the opposite can be said of Portugal. Contrasted with Angola’s GDP growth rate of over eleven percent, Portugal is actually expected to report an economic contraction of near three percent (BBC 27). This is due to what is referred to as the European soverign-debt crisis, which is the name for a collection of country by country soverign debt crises faced by European countries. A sovereign-debt crisis refers to the complete inability from a national government to pay back the debts of the state, and Portugal has been unable to avoid this crisis. After years of overspending and public debt creation, Portugal found itself on the verge of bankruptcy and actually had to seek a bailout from the International Monetary Fund. Portugal has sense still found itself struggling to succeed, as evidenced by an economic retraction rate as opposed to a growth rate. This has left the former colonial master asking for and welcoming with open arms the investment and money of its former colony.
It may seem strange for a former colony to be so open to working with its former master, but this is precisely what Angola and the ruling MLPA are prepared to do. This is likely based off of the aforementioned ties to the elite class that the Portuguese government worked to establish throughout their time as rulers. However, it may be based simply off of need (Seabra 13). Regardless, Angola is currently entering happily into the Portuguese economy, and Portugal is in need of such economic stimulus. Angola is already presently Portugal’s fourth largest trade partner, and their largest trade partner outside of the European Union (eufreka). Additionally, Portuguese goods make up nearly twenty percent of Angolan impots (eufreka). Isabel Dos Santos recently purchased a 9.4 percent stake in Portuguese bank Banco BPI, which also allowed her to achieve a 14.9 percent stake in Zon Multimedia (portugaldailyview). This makes her the largest share holder in Zon Multimedia, which is Portugal’s top internet and paid-for television provider (ventures-africa). Between 2002 and 2009, Angolan Investment increased from slightly over two million to nearly one hundred sixty million (bbc 66). As Portuguese businesses are privatized in order to meet the demands of the IMF bailout, Angolan President Dos Santos has suggested Angola (tacitly the Dos Santos family themselves) may be interested in investing in these newly privatized countries (bbc 27). While the extent of the future investment of Angola may remain undefined, it is certain that they are involved in the Portuguese economy more than just slightly, and are an integral factor in the future economic metamorphisis of Portugal.
In conclusion, the former colonial power of Portugal has arrived at a time when it is dependent on one of its former colonies. The now sovereign Angola, with its mineral resources and oil generated wealth, possibly holds the keys to the future success of the Portuguese economy. Linked to Portugal since the fifteenth century, these links have continued today, whether due to necessity of due to the influence of the Portuguese themselves. The ruling and wealthy elite of Angola have decided to answer Portugal in its time of need. As Portugal deals with the economic decline of the European sovereign debt crisis, Angola is investing in Portugal more than ever. With economic growth rates projected to continue in Angola, their investment should remain vital to the positive stimulation of the Portuguese economy. Thus a shift in the political arena has occurred, and for perhaps the first time economically, a colony is looking down upon its former ruler and smiling.
And yes, I end all my papers with "in conclusion". Cliche for the A.
Good luck man!
Thanks for a nice lunch-time read.
Tied, 1-1. With the US being the strongest team in the group, that score is quite positive, but if you watched the match you know that our team let the win slip through their hands (feet?). We lost the first match against Jamaica, so we need to beat Antigua & Barbuda in the following match (at home), since the US will have the pressure of coming out of a tie to beat Jamaica, who also tied with A&B. Otherwise, our dreams of qualifying for Brazil 2014 will begin to vanish sooner than expected.
Speaking of football, congrats on beating the Danish, ( N_S ). Good luck against the Netherlands on Sunday.
PS: Say hello to my little friend!
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I still wanna see CM Punk beat the snot out of that woman-beating manchild Chris Brown
www.diestoremoval.com
A truly great petition
Oh, that's right. And such a tight group to boot.
My YouTube Channel
www.diestoremoval.com
A truly great petition
There's a new Mortal Kombat? I must try that!
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It was released last year on xbox 360 and ps3.
www.diestoremoval.com
A truly great petition
Gogo Portugal!
Amazing sig by
GobboElysiumKCW,TFE,god_child,Harkius,DalkonCledwin,Arnnaria,Rianalnn, Gaea's Regent our sig main man!Join the EXODUS
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A truly great petition
lol, didn't hear about it. Just found this on Wikipedia:
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A truly great petition
The Cabin in the Woods, on the other hand, was simply spectacular. I enjoyed absolutely everything about it.
Yea, the newer sequels are getting to be like that. They lost what made the first one so cool.
I don't think any movie can scare me since gore is nothing.
www.diestoremoval.com
A truly great petition
www.diestoremoval.com
A truly great petition
Spam Infraction Issued
-Mirror
No.
Double Infraction for Spam and Double-Posting - LN
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I helped my buddies table at regionals when alara reborn was released.
That church was nasty hot.
www.diestoremoval.com
A truly great petition